"...(T)here are certain
truths which the Americans can learn only from strangers or from
experience."
I have decided to start a series that I am calling "Emancipation of the Mind" because millions of African Americans like myself are struggling to exercise an independence of the mind that is not subjected to the world view of the white population. This task is difficult, to say the least, because it essentially involves a self-induced lobotomy or reprogramming in which I am having to assert an identity that has been denied to me and of which I know very little. That is to say that I am calling upon all the material and immaterial resources available to me to construct a historical philosophy that speaks to my greatness, my beauty, and my genius as an African American and as a member of the African American people. Of course, some may wonder if I am exaggerating the state of our nation in order to advance my own principles. To that I say, you need only look inward at your lack of self-consciousness and glutinous appetite for ignorance and passivity to see that Black people, specifically those descendants of enslaved persons, have been paralyzed by the enduring chains of mental slavery. I do not limit my critique to abstractions, but encompass all the facets of American life including but not limited to education, politics, religion, and entertainment. In all of these areas, there is a great tendency of the African American population to blindly follow the commands of the masters without little objection. Even the most intelligent among us busy themselves with the task of maturing their income instead of maturing their mind.
I am not, neither will I ever be, a slave to any man.
Let us start with a critique of American democracy. One of the best critiques of American democracy was by a Frenchman named Alexis de Tocqueville (1805-1859). It's a shame that Americans are so self-absorbed with the pursuit of a dollar that the writings of a man from well over a century ago still hold true for American society. I hope that this piece is the first of many to awaken my self-consciousness and those of African Americans to realize our true selves.
"Democracy in America"
THE very essence of democratic government consists in the absolute sovereignty of the
majority; for there is nothing in democratic states that is capable of resisting it. Most of the
American constitutions have sought to increase this natural strength of the majority by artificial
means.
Several particular circumstances combine to render the power
of the majority in America not only preponderant, but
irresistible. The moral authority of the majority is partly based
upon the notion that there is more intelligence and wisdom in a
number of men united than in a single individual, and that the
number of the legislators is more important than their quality.
The theory of equality is thus applied to the intellects of men;
and human pride is thus assailed in its last retreat by a
doctrine which the minority hesitate to admit, and to which they
will but slowly assent. Like all other powers, and perhaps more
than any other, the authority of the many requires the sanction
of time in order to appear legitimate. At first it enforces
obedience by constraint; and its laws are not respected until
they have been long maintained.
The right of governing society, which the majority supposes
itself to derive from its superior intelligence, was introduced
into the United States by the first settlers; and this idea,
which of itself would be sufficient to create a free nation, has
now been amalgamated with the customs of the people and the minor
incidents of social life.
The French under the old monarchy held it for a maxim that
the king could do no wrong; and if he did do wrong, the blame was
imputed to his advisers. This notion made obedience very easy; it
enabled the subject to complain of the law without ceasing to
love and honor the lawgiver. The Americans entertain the same
opinion with respect to the majority.
In the United States, political questions cannot be taken up
in so general and absolute a manner; and all parties are willing
to recognize the rights of the majority, because they all hope at
some time to be able to exercise them to their own advantage. The
majority in that country, therefore, exercise a prodigious actual
authority, and a power of opinion which is nearly as great; no
obstacles exist which can impede or even retard its progress, so
as to make it heed the complaints of those whom it crushes upon
its path. This state of things is harmful in itself and dangerous
for the future.
In America the authority exercised by the legislatures is
supreme; nothing prevents them from accomplishing their wishes
with celerity and with irresistible power, and they are supplied
with new representatives every year. That is to say, the circum-
stances which contribute most powerfully to democratic instabil-
ity, and which admit of the free application of caprice to the
most important objects, are here in full operation. Hence America
is, at the present day, the country beyond all others where laws
last the shortest time. Almost all the American constitutions
have been amended within thirty years; there is therefore not one
American state which has not modified the principles of its
legislation in that time. As for the laws themselves, a single
glance at the archives of the different states of the Union
suffices to convince one that in America the activity of the
legislator never slackens. Not that the American democracy is
naturally less stable than any other, but it is allowed to
follow, in the formation of the laws, the natural instability of
its desires.2
The omnipotence of the majority and the rapid as well as absolute
manner in which its decisions are executed in the United States
not only render the law unstable, but exercise the same influence
upon the execution of the law and the conduct of the administration.
As the majority is the only power that it is important to court, all its
projects are taken up with the greatest ardor; but no sooner is its
attention distracted than all this ardor ceases; while in the free states
of Europe, where the administration is at once independent and secure, the
projects of the legislature continue to be executed even when its
attention is directed to other objects.
TYRANNY OF THE MAJORITY
I hold it to be an impious and detestable maxim that, politically
speaking, the people have a right to do anything; and yet I have
asserted that all authority originates in the will of the
majority. Am I, then, in contradiction with myself?
A general law, which bears the name of justice, has been
made and sanctioned, not only by a majority of this or that
people, but by a majority of mankind. The rights of every people
are therefore confined within the limits of what is just. A
nation may be considered as a jury which is empowered to
represent society at large and to apply justice, which is its
law. Ought such a jury, which represents society, to have more
power than the society itself whose laws it executes?
When I refuse to obey an unjust law, I do not contest the
right of the majority to command, but I simply appeal from the
sovereignty of the people to the sovereignty of mankind. Some
have not feared to assert that a people can never outstep the
boundaries of justice and reason in those affairs which are
peculiarly its own; and that consequently full power may be given
to the majority by which it is represented. But this is the
language of a slave.
A majority taken collectively is only an individual, whose
opinions, and frequently whose interests, are opposed to those of
another individual, who is styled a minority. If it be admitted
that a man possessing absolute power may misuse that power by
wronging his adversaries, why should not a majority be liable to
the same reproach? Men do not change their characters by uniting
with one another; nor does their patience in the presence of
obstacles increase with their strength.3 For my own part, I cannot
believe it; the power to do everything, which I should refuse
to one of my equals, I will never grant to any number of them.
I am therefore of the opinion that social power superior to
all others must always be placed somewhere; but I think that
liberty is endangered when this power finds no obstacle which can
retard its course and give it time to moderate its own vehemence.
Unlimited power is in itself a bad and dangerous thing.
Human beings are not competent to exercise it with discretion.
God alone can be omnipotent, because his wisdom and his justice
are always equal to his power. There is no power on earth so
worthy of honor in itself or clothed with rights so sacred that I
would admit its uncontrolled and all-predominant authority. When
I see that the right and the means of absolute command are
conferred on any power whatever, be it called a people or a king,
an aristocracy or a democracy, a monarchy or a republic, I say
there is the germ of tyranny, and I seek to live elsewhere, under
other laws.
In my opinion, the main evil of the present democratic
institutions of the United States does not arise, as is often
asserted in Europe, from their weakness, but from their
irresistible strength. I am not so much alarmed at the excessive
liberty which reigns in that country as at the inadequate
securities which one finds there against tyranny.
an individual or a party is wronged in the United States, to whom
can he apply for redress? If to public opinion, public
opinion constitutes the majority; if to the legislature, it
represents the majority and implicitly obeys it; if to the
executive power, it is appointed by the majority and serves as a
passive tool in its hands. The public force consists of the
majority under arms; the jury is the majority invested with the
right of hearing judicial cases; and in certain states even the
judges are elected by the majority. However iniquitous or absurd
the measure of which you complain, you must submit to it as well
as you can.4
If, on the other hand, a legislative power could be so
constituted as to represent the majority without necessarily
being the slave of its passions, an executive so as to retain a
proper share of authority, and a judiciary so as to remain
independent of the other two powers, a government would be formed
which would still be democratic while incurring scarcely any risk
of tyranny.
In the United States the omnipotence of the majority, which
is favorable to the legal despotism of the legislature, likewise
favors the arbitrary authority of the magistrate. The majority
has absolute power both to make the laws and to watch over their
execution; and as it has equal authority over those who are in
power and the community at large, it considers public officers as
its passive agents and readily confides to them the task of
carrying out its de signs. The details of their office and the
privileges that they are to enjoy are rarely defined beforehand.
It treats them as a master does his servants, since they are
always at work in his sight and he can direct or reprimand them
at any instant.
In general, the American functionaries are far more
independent within the sphere that is prescribed to them than the
French civil officers. Sometimes, even, they are allowed by the
popular authority to exceed those bounds; and as they are
protected by the opinion and backed by the power of the majority,
they dare do things that even a European, accustomed as he is to
arbitrary power, is astonished at. By this means habits are
formed in the heart of a free country which may some day prove
fatal to its liberties.
IT is in the examination of the exercise of thought in the United
States that we clearly perceive how far the power of the majority
surpasses all the powers with which we are acquainted in Europe.
Thought is an invisible and subtle power that mocks all the
efforts of tyranny. At the present time the most absolute
monarchs in Europe cannot prevent certain opinions hostile to
their authority from circulating in secret through their
dominions and even in their courts. It is not so in America; as
long as the majority is still undecided, discussion is carried
on; but as soon as its decision is irrevocably pronounced,
everyone is silent, and the friends as well as the opponents of
the measure unite in assenting to its propriety. The reason for
this is perfectly clear: no monarch is so absolute as to combine
all the powers of society in his own hands and to conquer all
opposition, as a majority is able to do, which has the right both
of making and of executing the laws.
The authority of a king is physical and controls the actions
of men without subduing their will. But the majority possesses a
power that is physical and moral at the same time, which acts
upon the will as much as upon the actions and represses not only
all contest, but all controversy.
I know of no country in which there is so little
independence of mind and real freedom of discussion as in
America. In any constitutional state in Europe every sort of
religious and political theory may be freely preached and
disseminated; for there is no country in Europe so subdued by any
single authority as not to protect the man who raises his voice
in the cause of truth from the consequences of his hardihood. If
he is unfortunate enough to live under an absolute government,
the people are often on his side; if he inhabits a free country,
he can, if necessary, find a shelter behind the throne. The
aristocratic part of society supports him in some countries, and
the democracy in others. But in a nation where democratic
institutions exist, organized like those of the United States,
there is but one authority, one element of strength and success,
with nothing beyond it.
In America the majority raises formidable barriers around
the liberty of opinion; within these barriers an author may write
what he pleases, but woe to him if he goes beyond them. Not that
he is in danger of an auto-da-f�, but he is exposed to continued
obloquy and persecution. His political career is closed forever,
since he has offended the only authority that is able to open it.
Every sort of compensation, even that of celebrity, is refused to
him. Before making public his opinions he thought he had
sympathizers; now it seems to him that he has none any more since
he has revealed himself to everyone; then those who blame him
criticize loudly and those who think as he does keep quiet and
move away without courage. He yields at length, overcome by the
daily effort which he has to make, and subsides into silence, as
if he felt remorse for having spoken the truth.
Fetters and headsmen were the coarse instruments that
tyranny formerly employed; but the civilization of our age has
perfected despotism itself, though it seemed to have nothing to
learn. Monarchs had, so to speak, materialized oppression; the
democratic republics of the present day have rendered it as
entirely an affair of the mind as the will which it is intended
to coerce. Under the absolute sway of one man the body was
attacked in order to subdue the soul; but the soul escaped the
blows which were directed against it and rose proudly superior.
Such is not the course adopted by tyranny in democratic
republics; there the body is left free, and the soul is enslaved.
The master no longer says: "You shall think as I do or you shall
die"; but he says: "You are free to think differently from me and
to retain your life, your property, and all that you possess; but
you are henceforth a stranger among your people. You may retain
your civil rights, but they will be useless to you, for you will
never be chosen by your fellow citizens if you solicit their
votes; and they will affect to scorn you if you ask for their
esteem. You will remain among men, but you will be deprived of
the rights of mankind. Your fellow creatures will shun you like
an impure being; and even those who believe in your innocence
will abandon you, lest they should be shunned in their turn. Go
in peace! I have given you your life, but it is an existence
worse than death."
Works have been published in the proudest nations of the Old
World expressly intended to censure the vices and the follies of
the times: Labruy�re inhabited the palace of Louis XIV when he
composed his chapter upon the Great, and Moli�re criticized the
courtiers in the plays that were acted before the court. But the
ruling power in the United States is not to be made game of. The
smallest reproach irritates its sensibility, and the slightest
joke that has any foundation in truth renders it indignant, from
the forms of its language up to the solid virtues of its
character, everything must be made the subject of encomium. No
writer, whatever be his eminence, can escape paying this tribute
of adulation to his fellow citizens. The majority lives in the
perpetual utterance of self-applause, and there are certain
truths which the Americans can learn only from strangers or from
experience.
If America has not as yet had any great writers, the reason
is given in these facts; there can be no literary genius without
freedom of opinion, and freedom of opinion does not exist in
America. The Inquisition has never been able to prevent a vast
number of anti-religious books from circulating in Spain. The
empire of the majority succeeds much better in the United States,
since it actually removes any wish to publish them. Unbelievers
are to be met with in America, but there is no public organ of
infidelity. Attempts have been made by some governments to
protect morality by prohibiting licentious books. In the United
States no one is punished for this sort of books, but no one is
induced to write them; not because all the citizens are
immaculate in conduct, but because the majority of the community
is decent and orderly.
In this case the use of the power is unquestionably good;
and I am discussing the nature of the power itself. This
irresistible authority is a constant fact, and its judicious
exercise is only an accident.
Democratic republics extend the practice of currying favor with
the many and introduce it into all classes at once; this is the
most serious reproach that can be addressed to them. This is
especially true in democratic states organized like the American
republics, where the power of the majority is so absolute and
irresistible that one must give up one's rights as a citizen and
almost abjure one's qualities as a man if one intends to stray
from the track which it prescribes.
I have heard of patriotism in the United States, and I have
found true patriotism among the people, but never among the
leaders of the people. This may be explained by analogy:
despotism debases the oppressed much more than the oppressor: in
absolute monarchies the king often has great virtues, but the
courtiers are invariably servile. It is true that American
courtiers do not say "Sire," or "Your Majesty," a distinction
without a difference. They are forever talking of the natural
intelligence of the people whom they serve; they do not debate
the question which of the virtues of their master is
pre-eminently worthy of admiration, for they assure him that he
possesses all the virtues without having acquired them, or
without caring to acquire them; they do not give him their
daughters and their wives to be raised at his pleasure to the
rank of his concubines; but by sacrificing their opinions they
prostitute themselves. Moralists and philosophers in America
are not obliged to conceal their opinions under the veil of
allegory; but before they venture upon a harsh truth,
they say: "We are aware that the people whom we are addressing
are too superior to the weaknesses of human nature to lose the
command of their temper for an instant. We should not hold this
language if we were not speaking to men whom their virtues and
their intelligence render more worthy of freedom than all the
rest of the world." The sycophants of Louis XIV could not flatter
more dexterously.
For my part, I am persuaded that in all governments,
whatever their nature may be, servility will cower to force, and
adulation will follow power. The only means of preventing men
from degrading themselves is to invest no one with that unlimited
authority which is the sure method of debasing them.
GOVERNMENTS usually perish from impotence or from tyranny. In the
former case, their power escapes from them; it is wrested from
their grasp in the latter. Many observers who have witnessed the
anarchy of democratic states have imagined that the government of
those states was naturally weak and impotent. The truth is that
when war is once begun between parties, the government loses its
control over society. But I do not think that a democratic power
is naturally without force or resources; say, rather, that it is
almost always by the abuse of its force and the misemployment of
its resources that it becomes a failure. Anarchy is almost always
produced by its tyranny or its mistakes, but not by its want of
strength.
If ever the free institutions of America are destroyed, that
event may be attributed to the omnipotence of the majority, which
may at some future time urge the minorities to desperation and
oblige them to have recourse to physical force. Anarchy will then
be the result, but it will have been brought about by despotism.
Further Reading
http://xroads.virginia.edu/~HYPER/DETOC/1_ch15.htm