Why and How the Media is Exaggerating the Black and Brown Divide
This election season has certainly brought many surprises; a former first lady who is banking on her husband and her name recognition in her bid for the White House, a once unknown politician who has become a household name and has sparked a movement, a Mormon from the Northeast who wants to win the hearts and minds of Republican evangelicals, and a 9/11 mayor who can't seem to find his voice. All in all, it is an election cycle for the record books, not just because it's presidential politics, but because the United States has never seen a field of candidates that is so diverse in terms of both physical and ideological attributes.
Unfortunately, given the uniqueness of this campaign season, the media are struggling to come to grips with how to frame questions and debates, summarize events for print and television, and present a candidate in light of their positions and not their gender, race or religion. I would say that on the latter point, they have largely failed. Newsweek presenting Mitt Romney on the December 2006 cover of their magazine with the title, "A Mormon's Journey" is just one attempt out of many for the media to put so much emphasis on Romney's religion as if to suggest that there is something wrong with electing or even considering a Mormon for the presidency. While, Clinton and Obama have faired better for their gender and race respectively, there is still an attempt on the part of the media to want to make a story where there really isn't any. I recently read an article on the Washington Post's website that said that if Barack Obama does not win South Carolina (which he has won) by double digits, he risks becoming a "Black candidate". Well, I think we all know that Barack Obama is a color-skinned man, so the claim that people will start noticing this and vote differently is a farce.
Of course, this will not be the last time that the media exaggerates a candidate's superficial qualities in order to get you to buy whatever they are selling. In fact, they are already beginning to tie Obama's race (the Black half) to a possible failure to garner Latino support. Everyone's talking about how Hispanics don't vote for Black candidates. Even using Clinton's overwhelming victory with Latino voters in the Nevada primary (64%) as an indication of how poorly a Black candidate does with Latino voters. Moreover, a highly questionable poll among Hispanics in Durham, North Carolina, "found that 59% of Latinos believed few or almost no blacks were hard-working, and a similar proportion reckoned few or almost none could be trusted. Fewer than one in ten whites felt the same way." [1] But this study has many problems. One, it means to suggest that the 167 Hispanics in the Durham area who were surveyed could in some way translate into a meaningful treatment of Hispanic views elsewhere. The authors of the study too easily dismiss the role of social cues and expectations in their questioning. In fact, 93% of the Latino respondents were not born in the United States and might have taken the survey as a test of their patriotism. Again, not being born in the United States, one has a far greater challenge of determining American standards, especially concerning matters of race and especially when you are in the South.
No doubt, however, there are instances where Black and Brown populations may not get along, as in Los Angeles. Because of the sudden increase in the Hispanic population, racial strife and violence, mostly driven by gangs, have left the Black and Brown population is a struggle for space and power. But this is the exception, not the rule. Sure, one-third of Black workers may think immigrants take jobs from Americans, but this is in no way a personal attack on immigrants. After all, immigrants do take jobs from Americans. This is a fact. Employers hire them because they work for less. Black Americans realize that immigrants are not 'stealing' their jobs and that the shortage of work in some areas across the nation has less to do with the people who are hired to replace them, than the fact that many working class jobs, particularly manufacturing jobs are being shipped abroad. As well, Black Americans know that the current state of joblessness involves the lack of initiative on the part of the government. On the other hand, Hispanics do not generally think that Black Americans are shiftless, untrained, and untrustworthy. On the contrary, I assert that Hispanics, especially poor ones, more strongly identify with African Americans and look to African Americans for some ways to avoid pitfalls, advance their cause, and navigate the terrain of American political and social life. The great immigration demonstrations of 2007, in fact, seems like a political tool taken right out of the Civil Rights Movement handbook. Then, there are the ways that Brown and Black populations are learning to relate on very personal levels. My best friend of six years is Hispanic. My roommate's best friend is Hispanic. Whether on construction sites, in the service sector, or elsewhere, it would be dangerous to underestimate the importance that these relationship have on challenging racial stereotypes.
So when Earl Hutchinson in his new book "The Ethnic Presidency: How Race Decides the Race to the White House" tries to argue that there is a clear divide between the Brown and Black community, we should be very offended. I hope that his efforts to stereotype Latino voters will backfire because it is not the sort of race-baiting that our country needs. As an African American, his efforts can only be counterproductive in that he seemingly wants to distance himself from the Latino community. Hopefully, though, I think most people see his book for what it really is, another farce by the media on the Black and Brown divide.





















